The Laffer Era

I won’t presume to speak for “Ready for Hillary,” but it’s a fair guess that they hope to face Jeb Bush because Democrats believe they hold the ultimate trump card which has nothing to do with his name. It is “the 90’s.” The Clinton campaign is convinced that in a matchup with Bush, all they need do is trumpet the “Clinton economy” while decrying the “Bush economy.”

To borrow from Lee Corso, “not so fast.”

Let’s acknowledge that Jeb Bush is not George W. Bush and Hillary Clinton is not Bill Clinton. The odds of President Hillary pronouncing “the era of big government over” or signing a signature welfare reform are as remote as President Jeb Bush championing a new extension of Medicare or proclaiming “deficits don’t matter.” Still, it is inevitable that in a Clinton-Bush race the comparison between Bill Clinton and George W. Bush will be broadly accepted as fair. Team Clinton believes they hold an unassailable advantage because they act like Bill Clinton was the sole progenitor of the 90’s economy.

Now comes their bete noir Rand Paul poking holes in the myth. Speaking at a Lincoln Labs conference in Washington last week, Paul said “when we dramatically lowered tax rates in the ’80s, we got an enormous boom in our country, probably for two decades. Many of us believe that the ’80s and the ’90s, once the boom began, had a lot to do with lowering the tax rates.” With that explicit challenge to conventional liberal wisdom, Paul turned the comparison between the 90’s and the 00’s into a debate on whether the 90’s were really just a continuation of the 80’s.

Cue the long knives.

Jonathan Chait waded into the breach to rebut this claim, arguing in New York that “tax rates on the rich, at least at current levels, have little impact on economic growth.” Note the qualifier at least at current levels. Liberal discussion of the 90’s focuses on Clinton raising the top rate to 39.6% from 31% to the economy’s great benefit. This casually omits how Reagan reduced the top rate from to 50% from 70% and ultimately to 28% with the 1986 tax reform.

Another tactic used against Reagan is that he was a serial tax raiser who saw the light after the 1982 recession proved his initial rate reductions had failed. “For example, when Reagan cut taxes, economic conditions deteriorated thanks to high interest rates. When Reagan realized he’d cut taxes too much and reversed course, raising taxes seven of the eight years he was in office, the economy improved,” says Steve Benen of MSNBC, who can be forgiven for his ignorance due to being Rachel Maddow’s petulant blogger. The left never seem to grasp that not all taxes are created equal. For every minor increase in a payroll tax or specific targeted tax, Reagan’s legacy is indisputably as an historic tax cutter, as the tax rate that matters most for economic growth and capital investment is the top marginal rate. Investors invest in enterprises when they believe the return on their investments will bear returns sufficient to justify the risk. More capital is risked when greater returns are in the offing. When top marginal rates are high there is less incentive to invest.

The adage “capital goes where it is welcome” is a fundamental truth akin to the laws of physics. Reagan’s success in bringing down top marginal rates are, more than any other external or mitigating factor, the primary reason for the 25 year secular growth trend between 1982-2007. The dramatic rate reduction heralded a new era of entrepreneurial optimism and capital investment as individuals responded to incentives brought about by a more welcoming capital landscape. Yes, one consequence of this was that the rich got richer, but the boom in middle class standards of living as well as upward mobility (an entire new class, the “upper middle” owes its existence to this period) in the 80’s and 90’s was a straight line continuum, putting the lie to the myth that things were sour under Reagan and H.W. Bush until Clinton arrived to save the day with moderate increases in top rates. Any honest appraisal of this era must account for the steady gains in GDP, employment and overall consumer confidence which contributed to multiple quarters of 6% and 7% growth during both the 80’s and 90’s.

Because Bill Clinton did very little to reverse the Reagan revolution on taxes, and in fact bolstered it by lowering investment rates while increasing the top marginal rate nowhere near in proportion to the level that Reagan lowered it, any comparison of the 80’s and 90’s is ultimately moot. We might as well call it “the Laffer era.”

Twilight of the Public Sector Union: Letters to the Editor Edition

Two letters to the editor in Friday’s WSJ underline the tone-deaf postures of public union leadership. The first comes from United Federation of Teachers President Michael Mulgrew, a bona fide thug who proclaims proudly his desire to “punch you in the face and push you in the dirt” should you attempt to “take what is mine.” He writes:

Eva Moskowitz must have been staring in the mirror when she wrote her latest screed about the “big lie” about charter vs public schools (“The Myth of Charter-School ‘Cherry Picking,'” op-ed, Feb.9). Even as others in the charter sector are beginning to acknowledge that differences in student demographics and attrition are a real problem in comparing charter to district schools, she and her organization have refused to admit that many charters don’t educate children with the same challenges as do public schools.

Let’s look at one among many examples—Success Academy 3 in Harlem. It shares a building with a local public school, but her charter has half as many English-language learners, fewer than a third as many special-education students and no “high-needs” students in the special-ed category versus 12% in the public school.

She also confuses student mobility with student attrition. Most schools in poor neighborhoods have high student turnover. But while public schools—and some charters—fill empty seats, Ms. Moskowitz’s schools don’t. According to state records, more than half the students in one Success Academy class left before graduation.

While Ms. Moskowitz cites a recent report from the city’s Independent Budget Office about student attrition in charters, she neglects to mention an earlier IBO report that found that it is the less successful students who tend to leave New York City charters. And as Princess Lyles and Dan Clark note “Keeping Precious Charter-School Seats Filled,” op-ed, Feb. 3), failure to fill these seats allows a school to maintain “the illusion of success,” as the percentage of proficient students rises.

So when Ms. Moskowitz and her allies claim that charters educate the same kinds of children as do the public schools, who is telling the truth?

I have a question for Mr Mulgrew. Why did this happen last March and again in November after Mayor Deblasio made noise about shuttering charters in New York City? The rallies in Albany showed that thousands upon thousands of lower-income, inner city New Yorkers view charters as vital to their children’s chances in life; education being the clear conduit to success. The same impulse to provide your child the best education possible is alive and growing stronger across the country.  For all the criticism levied against charters by teachers unions, demand among inner city parents has skyrocketed. Mulgrew’s argument is essentially that because public schools in New York are overburdened with students – many with special needs – then any boasting from the charters about their higher performing students is deceptive because it doesn not account for the disparities in classroom makeup, which is essentially an argument for demanding that everyone be equally miserable. Because equality! The standard teacher union lament that there is never enough money (despite soaring per capita spending on students nationally) is a self-serving rhetorical device that couches the true aim of higher taxpayer-funded pensions and benefits for the dues payers in language about “the children.” If you care about the children then you cannot fly into Hulk-smash rage mode when confronted with data showing charters’ exemplary results compared to the staid monopoly that is public education. The answer is not to take opportunities away from those lucky enough to win charter lotteries, but to expand access so that a greater number of eager-to-learn kids can also win the lottery.

Eva Moskowitz has long been a champion of the charter movement and is a true hero for the cause of school choice and education opportunities for the disadvantaged. For her efforts to improve the plight of those without the luxury to “vote with their feet” and move to better school districts, Moskowitz has become the subject of intense hate and ire for the union left. They hate her because she is unabashed about taking on the unions head-on and because she has largely succeeded in this endeavor. The result is an angry cadre of progressives like Mulgrew and DeBlasio who see the threat to their political power should school choice continue to pick up momentum. And when corrupt relationships between unions and politicians are exposed and blamed for the abysmal performance of union public schools, those being exposed become shrill and defiant, which is how you get a thuggish union head like Mulgrew opening his piece calling Moskowitz a liar and going on to offer this bit of enlightened sophistication: “So I stand here in support for [Common Core] for one simple reason. If someone takes something from me, I’m going to grab it right back out of their cold, twisted, sick hand, and say it is mine.”

Below the Mulgrew letter we find an even more ridiculous and infuriating letter, this time from Colleen Kelley, National President of the National Treasury Employees Union. Titled “IRS Employees Have Cooperated” she writes:

Your Feb. 7 editorial “End of the IRS Investigation?” urges against any pay increase for IRS employees until there is “a full accounting of who ordered the harassment of President Obama’s critics.” The editorial also takes some gratuitous and inaccurate shots at the National Treasury Employees Union, which represents rank-and-file nonsupervisory employees at the IRS and 30 other federal agencies. These employees aren’t in a position to order anybody to do anything. During the IRS investigation led by Rep. Darrell Issa, numerous NTEU members provided voluntary, non-subpoenaed sworn statements. Two NTEU members voluntarily testified before the House Oversight Committee for several hours in a public hearing facing a bank of TV cameras and reporters. At the end, they were praised by then-Chairman Issa, current-chairman Jason Chaffetz, Rep. Mark Meadows, Rep. Mike Turner and others for their bravery, honesty and professionalism. Since then, they and the other front-line employees represented by NTEU have seen their workloads dramatically increase because Congress is “punishing” the IRS by slashing its budget. Their pay, like the pay of all federal workers, has been stagnant. They did the right thing. Like other federal employees who work hard every day, they deserve a fair pay raise.” (emphasis mine)

Fairness! Give America a raise! Where have we heard these cliches before? I don’t even know where to begin with this silliness. Are we supposed to be impressed that certain IRS employees “provided voluntary, non-subpoenaed sworn statements” during Darrell Issa’s investigation when we know that there remain legions of emails and records and even testimony from a certain someone (let’s just say it’s not Lois Lane) still at large? The idea that federal bureaucrats have been busting their humps and have been subject to “punishment” from the mean Republicans on Issa’s committee and therefore deserve a raise is more than a little audacious. I don’t believe you could find one person in a random sample of people on the street who would argue that IRS employees need a raise at this moment, unless that street is in Washington. Even if you’re a partisan progressive who thinks slogans such as “phony scandal!” are legitimate substitutes for argument, you still probably don’t think the IRS should be asking for a raise right now, given the broad perception that it is a rogue agency operating with politics as its prism. The sheer hubris of the head of a federal employee union asking for more money after seeing the chief agency she represents have more than a few of its dubious practices exposed is stark.

If there is one truth that exists plainly in the open for all to see, it is that federal employees are overpaid. And not just overpaid but overprotected. It has become cliche to note that federal bureaucrats are far more likely to die before they ever face the prospect of being terminated. This doesn’t makes it any less true. Politicians who think of themselves as noble public servants are better able to justify rank extortion of their constituents than are politicians who cast a jaundiced eye at the very idea of a federal workforce. Further, bureaucracies are overwhelmingly staffed by people on the left who look upon the private sector with suspicion or disdain (or worse). When the lens through which you observe society is clouded by envy and bitterness toward the “rich” and you believe that they only got where they are through theft or inheritance, it stands to reason you might feel justified padding your salaries and benefits by bilking the taxpayers if it is a way to “level the playing field” or establish a more “equitable” condition where inequality magically disappears.

These union leaders are only distinguishable by their disparate tones and by the fact that only one seems to relish the idea of inflicting violence on anyone who comes for “what is mine.” But both are products of the same warped worldview that says it is perfectly moral and in fact laudable to erect the biggest public sector possible. Public employee unions are relics of the same bygone philosophy that continues to fuel activist journalism: the idea of government as an intrinsic good offering comfort to the afflicted and affliction to the comfortable. They obsess over the distribution of wealth and conclude that the unequal distribution is by malign intent rather than the natural product of millions of self-interested individuals fulfilling their wants in a free society. If you think you’re on the receiving end of a deep conspiracy by the evil rich and you possess the power to use threats of coercion to ameliorate the situation, you’re going to do so and without remorse. After all, you’re the poor blighted underdog bureaucrat faced up against the powerful corporation, so efforts to remove capital from the villains and give it to yourself are clearly blessed by the angels. This is the ethos that drives teachers union leadership to shout bloody murder any time their corrupt money train is threatened, and likewise causes IRS and White House officials to countenance a comprehensive initiative to suppress the speech of your ideological enemies who, rather than having different political views are considered instead to be motivated by nothing more than reactionary animus.

Public employee unions can’t go the way of the Dodo fast enough.

 

Twilight of the Public Sector Union

Politico has an interesting piece today on the growing movement among Democrats to curtail public union clout. Like today’s WSJ editorial it focuses on Republican governor Bruce Rauner’s efforts to follow Scott Walker down the public pension reform path. What’s interesting is how many Democrats in state legislatures are waking up to the sustainability problem with the public union model.

In November Democrat Gina Raimondo won the Rhode Island governor’s race after a bruising primary where she defeated two union-backed candidates who were hell-bent on keeping the union reformer out of power. Raimondo is Rhode Island’s first female governor; just as importantly though, she is clear-eyed about the problem with public sector unions and unabashed about taking them on and demanding key reforms. Like every brave blue state Democrat trying to convince her left flank that reality is the obstacle standing athwart their collectivist dreams, Raimondo faces an uphill battle and is probably going to lose in the end. Such is life when facing off against the naked self-interests of a rabid and entrenched opposition.

Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel is nobody’s idea of a conservative, but he is fully aligned with Rauner in opposing the nasty Chicago Teachers Union, which needs corrupt legislators to rubber-stamp their collective bargaining scheme in the same way that humans need oxygen. Emanuel and Rauner are old colleagues, so the union left will say this is just more cronyism to fatten their own coffers by attacking unions. But any honest appraisal of Illinois politics will show that public unions exist first and last to expand the state bureaucracy, demanding always more money for pensions and benefits and higher taxes to pay for them. As a result, Illinois has the worst pension crisis of all the states and is considered a wasteland for business and economic growth. Neighboring Indiana and Iowa have so thoroughly outperformed Illinois this century that some Democrats in Springfield acknowledge the need for reform.

San Jose Mayor Chuck Reed offered an admirable sentiment after “clash[ing] with public employee unions” in California when he said that “there’s a difference between being liberal and progressive and being a union Democrat.” Is there really, though?

The hard truth that confronts the left is that they are not a viable political coalition without the millions of dues-paying public union members contributing millions to keep Democrats in office. At the federal, state and local levels, union leadership as well as the rank and file line up behind Democrats at astonishing rates. Take a gander at candidate contributions by federal bureaucrats (especially the lawyers) in the last presidential election. And what happens if the miracle occurs and Democrats abandon their corrupt union practices and admit that they are more responsible than anyone for the epidemic of blue state pension and budget fiascoes?  Do they go full retard and devote their entire political project to identity politics and the cultural fetishes of cloistered academics? I mean, I welcome it should it transpire, given that a politics that doubles and triples down on postmodern relativism and political correctness is a political movement not long for this world.

The only practical solution for the 21st century left is a complete re-think and overhaul of their approach to the economy. I am not confident or optimistic this will happen, committed as the left is to a religious conviction that they are constantly beset by a rigged system and the culprit is capitalism. Going back to the San Jose Mayor’s comment, I’m genuinely curious to learn what a liberal or progressive not in thrall to the romantic ideal of the trade union looks like. The left’s overriding ethos is that power and wealth are unfairly concentrated at the top, where “owners” exploit “workers” with their unearned capital accumulation. Marx was adamant that capital could only be accumulated through theft, and that impulse is alive and well with today’s left. The romance of the unions is all about leveling the field, sticking it to the fat cats via labor “solidarity,” strikes and bargaining power. It’s a zero sum philosophy with a cynical message: the wealth has been unfairly allocated to the rich few, thus the only recourse is to organize and plot to take back your rightful share. This line of thinking, beyond being juvenile and simple, betrays a fundamental lack of understanding of how market economies work. It obsesses over equitable distribution and is uncomfortable with the fact that life’s natural order is not fair. And it treats as obscene high profits and earnings, imagining that prosperity is best when it is shared; the point of politics then is to guard against unfairness wherever possible. That they fail to see how a system of perceived unfairness does in reality serve to foster the most broadly shared prosperity (see: America, The Unites States of) imaginable is a frustration we will likely have to endure forever.

Unless of course the left is forced into reconsidering its economic perspective by blue state voters sick of living in stagnant economies where insane percentages of state budgets are allocated just to public employees and their lavish benefits. 25% of Illinois’ budget is swallowed up union costs. TWENTY FIVE PERCENT! And yet the Chicago progressive mob is adamant that taxes must increase along with spending, a tune that never changes regardless of the fiscal climate. This is the kind of blind, tone-deaf, oblivious political thuggery that is going to doom the left eventually. The question is do they see the writing on the wall and are willing to make adjustments to their chief economic plank, or are they going down with the ship? By all accounts, union leadership is going to fight to the death to coax every last possible dime out of taxpayers before they shuffle off into the void, but there are more encouraging signs among rank and file members as well as savvy Democrats in the states. The problem is at the federal level, where public unions are less strapped by finite state budgets and reap the rewards of an out-of-control government spending apparatus. But even the big federal players like Afscme and AFT can see that reformer governors in blue states where unions typically enjoy broad approval are finding receptive audiences among state Democrats who realize the union model is unsustainable.

I contend that California will be a red state before Texas ever turns blue. Their pension crisis is not as horrible as Illinois’ but it ain’t pretty either. Chuck Reed and other California Dems (including Jerry Brown) may intuit the problem correctly, but it remains to be seen whether they have either the will or the ability to take on CALPERS and the rest of the bloated public sector. Far be it for me to offer advice to progressives on how to avoid squandering their entire movement, but if they want to be viable post-Obama they absolutely must ditch their wretched attachment to public sector unions and the cesspool of half-baked Marxism from which it draws inspiration. The only way that is ever going to happen is if they leave the politics of envy behind. Rising tides do indeed lift all boats, but if you’re consumed with rancor and envy and are convinced that America and capitalism are evil schemes constructed by greedy monocle-wearers, then it is going to be impossible to recalibrate your perspective on economics. Let’s let Schumpeter weigh in on the subject because no one has ever been able to explain this stuff quite like the Austrian master (emphasis mine):

In part [Capitalism] appeals to, and in part it creates, a schema of motives that is unsurpassed in simplicity and force. The promises of wealth and the threats of destitution that it holds out, it redeems with ruthless promptitude. Wherever the bourgeois way of life asserts itself sufficiently to dim the beacons of other social worlds, these promises are strong enough to attract the large majority of supernormal brains and to identify success with business success. They are not proffered at random; yet there is a sufficiently enticing admixture of chance: the game is not like roulette, it is more like poker. They are addressed to ability, energy and supernormal capacity for work; but if there were a way of measuring either that ability in general or the personal achievement that goes into any particular success, the premiums actually paid out would probably not be found proportional to either. Spectacular prizes much greater than would have been necessary to call forth the particular effort are thrown to a small minority of winners, thus propelling much more efficaciously than a more equal and more “just” distribution would, the activity of that large majority of businessmen who receive in return very modest compensation or nothing or less than nothing, and yet do their utmost because they have the big prizes before their eyes and overrate their chances of doing equally well. Similarly, the threats are addressed to incompetence. But though the incompetent men and the obsolete methods are in fact eliminated, sometimes very promptly, sometimes with a lag, failure also threatens or actually overtakes many an able man, thus whipping up everyone, again much more efficaciously than a more equal and more “just” system of penalties would. Finally, both business success and business failure are ideally precise. Neither can be talked away.”

-Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy

The Party of Science?

American politics are becoming increasingly absurd. The only word that describes the ongoing project of American progressives is “unreality.” There seems to be a concerted effort on the part of leftwing media to pridefully advance arguments that have nothing to do with observable reality. Now, the great philosophical question of our age is the degree to which committed partisans of the left genuinely subscribe to the narrative versus those who do so purely as a means to an end. Regardless of their sincerity, progressives everywhere agree that a counter-narrative to the status quo forces of oppression must be passionately sustained via the pent-up anxieties of the oppressed.

The left’s Marxist flame – their one and only “big idea” – finally petered out at the end of the 20th century, at least officially. Communism and collectivism were declared dead, the “end of history” pronounced, and it was assumed that the long bickering over classes and accumulation and distribution were settled. History however, does not cleanly dispatch with the “losing side” in almost any conflict. Within a generation of losing their claim on the colonies, the United Kingdom was back to burn down the White House and lay waste to Washington and Baltimore. The American South was not exactly docile in defeat, nor were they keen on sudden and immediate implementation of the 14th amendment, leading to their utter annihilation. The failed German revolutionaries of 1848 decamped to the American Midwest intent on importing the nouveau fads of progressivism and the welfare state into the American psyche. So it was with the Marxists and the class-warriors and the otherwise ignorant elites of the 20th century who decidedly did not abandon their ideological presumptions in response to the fall of the Soviet Union.

Whether the newly homeless Marxists migrated en masse to environmentalism or divvied it up so that elements of their tribe could be present in almost every facet of public life (the bureaucracy, the academy, the media, the Hollywood) is not really the point. What matters is that there was nothing approaching accountability. There was no mea culpa from elite liberal media for being wrong about totalitarian socialism. To this day the left refuses to acknowledge that the Soviets had an active and operational spy network in the United States during the Cold War, and pretend not to know of Alger Hiss. For the left, the number one priority is making their opposition look bad. Consistency and sound logic are subordinate to demonizing and discrediting. “So and so DESTROYS [conservative politican X]!!!” is a staple of fever swamp progressive internet because to the emotional and insecure for whom politics determines identity, it is more important to feel superior to your opponent than it is to be right on a given issue.

Status-signaling has replaced thinking on the left. Standing opposed to Israel or misogyny or bigotry is the price of admission into the cool cliques of campus or coastal liberalism. After purchasing yourself some coveted status as a tolerant and enlightened non-conservative, all you have to do is stick to the script. Master the hashtag and learn how it’s about feelings over facts. Thus will you arrive on the battlefield backed by an army of groupthinkers to slay the latest exhibition of privilege.

The dust-up over vaccines brings this tendency to bare. Rather than a sober mining of the data about who, exactly, are these Americans refraining from vaccinating their children, leftist partisans jumped on the comments from Chris Christie and Rand Paul as an opportunity to impugn Republicans – yet again – as the Neanderthal party of “science deniers.” Never mind the minute detail that the anti-vaxxer craze is predominantly a feature of the left, particularly the well-heeled, coastal enclave left. Upwards of 50% of kindergarteners are not vaccinated for MMR at schools in San Diego and Marin counties. Oregon and Vermont have the highest per-capita populations of anti-vaxxers. Yes, elements of the libertarian and home-school right are wary of government assurances on vaccinations. But to pretend that this is a phenomenon only of the right whereas the left sits on the side of empiricism and reason is just too much. By itself it is nothing, a meaningless and annoying distraction of white noise coming from the left about how Republicans are such morons. With the performance of the institutional left of late, it probably helps the cause of anti-statism for leftists to continue insisting how awesome and smart they are and how stupid and hopeless we are, for the simple reason that logic has a way of prevailing in the long run and all logic would suggest that these people are just charlatans with an agenda, hell bent on lying to the masses they so disdain in order to fool them into acquiescence. At some point, the ruse will reach its sell-by date and the tempest of lies and distortions will at long last wear itself out.

Until then, we will have to endure more attacks and more distortions, likely of an increased intensity. Hell hath no fury like a smug elitist challenged. The left operates under an unspoken assumption that they will always hold the loudest public megaphone due to their permanent residence on the moral high ground. Their moral righteousness is an illusion, however, and deep down they know it. At the heart of the progressive project is hatred of capitalism. They view that system of voluntary cooperation with suspicion and contempt and cast themselves as quasi-holy warriors out to eradicate injustice through the exalted Hegelian state, where the state exists as a metaphysical entity and possesses a metaphysical conscience by which the enlightened will erect plans and designs for the greater good. It is much harder in 2015 to hold this position with a straight face, after the failures of the collectivist experiment last century. Even for the most committed socialist, it is difficult to deny this history. And yet the left shows every sign it intends only to buff the lens and retain its ridiculous perspective of the world. A left that knows in its bones that the collectivist project is dead yet nevertheless retains its hatred of capitalism is going to look ridiculous. Further, the evolution of the left since Marx has seen it place its emphatic hatred not just on capitalism but on conservatives. It’s not so much the system but the proponents of the system who need to be fought and defeated. It is not hard to see how a philosophy that focuses on personal antagonism more than the system supposedly manufacturing oppression itself will eventually lose its focus.

Today’s left is the natural progression. They are thoroughly and obsessively concerned with what conservatives are saying and doing and basically agnostic on whether or not their prescribed solutions and programs have any efficacy whatsoever. All they are interested in is claiming the moral highground and ascendance appears to be promised only when all the wrong-thinking right wingers are defeated and/or silenced. They get really mad when conservatives have the temerity to point out when they run afoul of reason, logic and reality. Nowhere is this more pronounced than in matters of science.

On medicine, climate and biology the left is on the wrong side of the science. Kevin Williamson loves pointing out the amount of pseudo-science hokum that has wide popularity in leftist enclaves, from acupuncture and homeopathy to astrology and phobias about genetically modified food. You can throw Scientology and yoga in that mix as well. All perfectly harmless activities to which I have no objections other than that they are not backed up by science.

The climate change arena is riddled with groupthink and populated by anticapitalist ideologues. The much-touted “consensus” of scientists on the subject of Earth’s dire climate is great if you value consensus opinion that is thoroughly and comprehensively wrong. None of the models from the most renowned scientists have tracked even moderately close to the reality of climate over the past 20 years. That they only go back to the late nineteenth century to cull data while projecting their biased assumptions onto the millennia that came before it in order to produce the scary “hockey stick” projection of rising temperatures should be enough at the outset to question the infallibility of their data. With the “climategate” scandal at Britain’s East Anglia University revealing how scientists scheme to manipulate data to facilitate preferred outcomes, the petty “defamation” lawsuit brought by climate charlatan Michael Mann against Mark Steyn and CEI, and the recent revelation that Earth’s temperatures have remained flat the last 15 years, the green movement is exposed. The farce that is the State Department’s six year (and ongoing) review of the plans for the Keystone XL pipeline is nothing more than a nod by the administration to their wacko environmental base, which has tried repeatedly to offer scientific objections to the pipeline but which have all failed. The few reports that State has issued on the plan have all said that there is no environmental risk, but that has not caused the green left to relent, nor was it intended to. No one in the progressive orbit of Democratic politics is willing to allow the pipeline’s construction and none of their objections have to do with science. It is purely an aesthetic and ideological stance. Coastal elites think oil is yucky, yada yada yada, therefore the pipeline is an intrinsic evil.

Finally, the left stands in stark opposition to human biology, whether on the issue of abortion, gender, or human nature. In an sense this is understandable, as the left has always believed that man is malleable and can be shaped to function in their idea of the good society. But certain things in nature are non-negotiable. Science has essentially proven that babies in the womb can feel pain at 20 weeks and are able to survive outside the womb at that point. The science even suggests that viability perhaps occurs even earlier. But tell this to a pro-choice zealot and he will shriek and squeal about what a scoundrel you are for daring to suggest that a woman’s body is not in fact her own when there is another human inside it. This is virtually beyond scientific dispute now, yet the left won’t so much as countenance a discussion on it. In fact, they are more likely to echo the infamous Barbara Boxer line: “I think when you bring your baby home, when your baby is born … the baby belongs to your family and has all the rights.”

So babies are not yet human and not yet possessing of natural rights until they arrive home from the Hospital? How very sciency of you Barb.

The left claims the mantle of science for the sole reason that it can be used as a cudgel against conservatives. But the facts on the ground in 2015, allowing for the young-Earth creationists and the anti-vaxxers of the right (even though that contingent is most present in deep blue areas), are such that it would be impossible to designate the American left as “the party of science.” If the scientific method has life anywhere in American politics, it surely does not reside on the left. You can’t be the party of science if you think truth and reality are subjective. The persistent elevation of narrative inevitably leads to perspectives that end up only sneering at the truth.